The comparison for Part III 115-150 is now live. Only another 296 Articles of Part III to go…time for a nice cup of tea!
As the comparison shows, Articles 115-150 of the EU Constitution are now Articles 7-14, 18-19, 21-27, 45-62 and 347-348 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (”TFEU”), albeit tweaked here and there.
On a personal note; I’ve questioned why I’m bothering to build this comparison website, which is using up long hours, evenings and weekends. It seems the UK government isn’t bothered, nor are MPs generally or the mass media. Are the UK public bothered? If my site stats are anything to go by, no they’re not.
Mass media coverage, on the rare occasion there is any, tends to follow a ‘he said, she said’ “neutrality” (except it isn’t genuine neutrality at all). For example, the BBC reported yesterday;
“The government argues that the new EU treaty is significantly different from the constitution - discarded after it was rejected by French and Dutch voters - and does not require a referendum.
The Tories, however, say they are “substantially” the same and that a public vote should go ahead.”
What happened to investigative reporting and challenging assertions, whether the government’s or the opposition’s? Imagine, if you will, that members of the UK government and the Tories all went mad. Would it be balanced and impartial for the BBC to do nothing but report;
“The government argues that giant sea turtles are gathering on the surface of Mars to invade Earth.
The Tories, however, say the giant sea turtles are mostly harmless and the public need not worry.” ?
As I’m progressing with the auto-comparison, I’m starting to think the “it’s different / they’re the same” argument in British political life is missing the point anyway, when it comes to determining whether the referendum promise needs to be upheld. The issue revolves around what, in the EU Constitution, provoked the Labour Party to promise a referendum on it, in their 2005 election manifesto (as all three main parties did) and whether or not this remains in the Treaty of Lisbon.
This point was put by Conservative MP Peter Lilley to the Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, in the House of Commons 2nd Reading of the EU Amendment Bill on 21st January 2008;
Mr. Peter Lilley (Hitchin and Harpenden) (Con): Will the Foreign Secretary now cut to the chase and spell out the specific transfers of power in the original constitution that, in the Government’s opinion, justified a referendum, but which are not in this treaty—thus, in the Government’s view, nullifying their promise to hold a referendum? Will he spell out those specific powers?
David Miliband: The right hon. Gentleman will get details of specific powers and of how this is a different treaty in structure, in content and in consequence.
If anyone is aware of David Miliband ever giving those promised ‘details’, I would be extremely grateful if you told me where they’re located.
Elsewhere in the same debate, David Miliband argued the EU Constitution was “legally unprecedented” because “it abolished all previous European treaties and refounded the European Union“, whereas the Treaty of Lisbon “like the four previous treaties, amends the original founding document of the European Union.”
Whatever the legal merits of this view, it’s limited to the idea the Treaty of Lisbon “is a different treaty in structure“, which I doubt anyone denies. That still leaves open whether it’s “a different treaty…in content and in consequence“, and even then, as pointed out above, this line of thinking misses the point which Peter Lilley’s question put so well. The Treaty of Lisbon may contain an infinite number of additions not in the EU Constitution, but as long as it contains those elements from the EU Constitution which provoked the promise of a referendum, then the promise cannot be broken, imho (even if it is deemed perfectly legal) - at least, it cannot be broken without the consequence that I would never again believe what a political party tells me in their election manifesto.